GABON: REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PORT-GENTIL

September 26th, 2009

Front Anti-ALI BONGO par Bruno Ben MOUBAMBA

On September 17, 2009, the coalition of opposition candidates for the August 30, 2009 presidential election in Gabon set up a fact-finding team in order to gather reliable testimonies regarding the events that have occurred in Port Gentil since the election results were announced on September 3, 2009. The fact-finding team was headed by Prof. Pierre André Kombila Koumbe, chairman of the National Rally of Woodcutters (RNB); and included the following members:

- Professor Joseph John-Nambo of Omar Bongo University;
- The Honorable Daniel Kombe Lekambo, a member of Parliament; and
- Mr. Jean Blaise Moussavou Maganga, a former mayor.

The team arrived in Port Gentil on September 18, 2009 and met for three days with the families of those who have been killed, as well as with those who had suffered abuse or injury. They also met with witnesses who had agreed to share their testimonies despite the climate of fear and law of silence that prevail in Port Gentil and is being enforced by the military.

This report focuses on three main points:
1 – Killings:
2 – Abuse; and
3 – Destruction of property .

Further down we will close with a note that seeks to capture the general mood of the population in Port Gentil.


We will highlight the three areas of focus with specific examples on a case by case basis.


1 – Killings

Case 1: Mr. Aimé Mbadinga, a professional driver in his twenties or early thirties, was the son of the late Patrice Boulingui, a former civil servant from the city of Tchibanga, where he was a respected elder. Mr. Mbadinga was killed by the military around 6:30 p.m. on Friday, September 4, 2009 in the upscale neighborhood of Balise. Some of the soldiers covered their faces with a hood, while others simply adorned a black beret. Mr. Mbadinga’s body was recovered by his family and transferred to his father’s hometown of Tchibanga on Friday, September 11, 2009 for burial. This testimony was gathered from M.A., a member of the deceased’s family.

Case 2: On the night of September 4, 2009, Mr. Mombo Ndogo, aged 18, son of Mr. Urban Ndongo, took a bullet through his chest (as can be attested by pictures and a death certificate attached to this report). This killing occurred along Ntchengue Road, at the so-called PG1 point, across from Total Gabon’s fire academy. Mr. Ndogo was shot while standing by the roadside along with other youth. A friend tried to save his life by carrying him on a wheelbarrow to Ntchengue Regional Hospital, some hundred yards away but to no avail; he passed away a few hours later. When his family tried to secure a place for him at the hospital morgue after hearing the news of his killing, the hospital employee in charge of the morgue turned them away, saying: “There’s no more room here, because I’ve already taken in 16 such cases. Where should I put this body?”

Nevertheless after a lengthy plea by the family, the morgue worker eventually accepted to take in the 17th body.

Mr. Mombo Ndongo’s family have provided pictures showing the bullet’s impact, as well as a death certificate and a copy of a complaint they lodged in court in Port Gentil.


Case 3: Mr. Jean Marie Bilongha, in his twenties or early thirties, unemployed, lived in the neighborhood of Bac Aviation. He was killed by shots fired by soldiers traveling at high speed in his neighborhood.


Case 4: Ms. Ursula Koumba, 16 years old, was killed by gunshot as a vehicle filled with military personnel drove by.


Case 5: Mr. Christian Onanga, a deaf-mute, died while attempting to cross the road on Friday, September 4 around 7 p.m. He was hit by a bullet as a military vehicle sped through his neighborhood of Miniprix. He was buried by his family on Saturday, September 18, 2009.


Case 6: Mr. Martial Owan, 26, took bullets fired by two gunmen in civilian clothes, on September 21 at 4 p.m. while he was standing at the entrance of the laundromat in the Quartier Sud neighborhood. He was pronounced dead at 7 p.m. at Tchengue Regional Hospital.


In addition to these cases that were clearly identified beyond doubt, reliable sources, including the Ntchengue cemetery warden, indicate that as many as 57 people were likely killed. This doesn’t include cases that have been attributed to reprisals by members of the ruling Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG). Difficulty identifying them arises from the fact that a climate of terror prevails in Port Gentil over these killings. Death threats have been leveled against anyone who would dare give away information related to those who were killed by gunshots during the post-election riots.

Yet specific designated locations offer an adequate space where such much-needed investigation can take place. These include the morgues at Ntchengue Regional Hospital and at the former Central Hospital, which are respectively managed by CACEPGA and GABOSEP funeral companies. Unfortunately personnel are mum at both locations.

The morgue at Tchengue hospital seems to be the place where the highest number of bodies was deposited. However we were informed that the regional director of health, Mrs. Sefou, has threatened to fire any medical staff suspected of revealing information related to deaths related to post-election events. She is also said to have confiscated all death certificates, medical files and other information related to these killings.

At CASEPGA mortuary, a reliable source has revealed that 18 bullet-riddled bodies were processed at that establishment between September 4 and September 7, 2009, when they were prohibited from accepting any additional bodies.

2-Abuses

Defense and security forces that were dispatched in Port Gentil seemed to have been ordered to humiliate and brutalize local populations in order to force them into submission. Several kinds of abuses and acts of humiliation were perpetrated against Port Gentil residents: innocent passers-by were assaulted in plain view on the street; private homes were invaded for the same purposes; several people were punched, hit with the barrel of a gun, or lacerated by bayonets attached to rifles. Others were forced to do push-ups, or cross the street on their knees, made to dance, forced to sing in unknown foreign languages. Brother and sister were forced to kiss, or copulate; collective rape was also noted. Twelve police officers raped six girls on September 16, and four officers molested a young woman who had just given birth, which led to severe vaginal lacerations. Elsewhere, a woman in labor on her way to the hospital was stopped by the army and she gave birth while they were watching despite her pleas.

In addition to these cases that were collected from anonymous sources across Port Gentil, the following cases were revealed by the primary victims or their relatives:


Case 1: On Friday, September 4, Henry Mbongo, about 50, a father of many children, was brutally beaten, humiliated, and made to stand on his knees by the military as he was preparing to cross the Ngadi intersection near his home. Likewise, a woman who tried to cross the road at the same time was subjected to the same kind of abuse. Additionally, they were both forced to sing “President Ali 9,” a reference to the ruling party’s candidate. Mr. Mbongo escaped with bruises to his legs and on his back, but the lady defecated as a result of severe shock as a stunned crowd watched speechless.


Case 2: On September 6, Christiane Jocktane, a 55-year-old mother and former bank employee, was severely beaten by soldiers as her children and many people watched helplessly. This happened while she was standing in line in front of the SMAG bakery located across from the Ocean neighborhood gendarmerie. The reason for her beating, according to army soldiers, was that the shortage of bread was caused by her children and those of all other Port Gentil residents. She received multiple blows to with rubber sticks and was kicked on the face, in her lower abdomen and on the back. She was put to bed rest for one week. (She provided a medical certificate and photos to substantiate her story.)

Case 3: Philippe ISSAN, municipal worker in his forties was forcefully removed from his hospital bed by the military while he was hospitalized at Paul Igamba hospital. He was taken to a naval base where he is still being held incommunicado today. Is he still alive?


Case 4: Locin Mondounua, a young man in his twenties, was picked up by a police officer at the Salsa crossroads while he was on his way home. He was taken to the Chateau commissariat, where he was forced to do push-ups before being released.

Case 5: On Saturday, September 19, 2009 employees of oil company Morrel & Prom were assaulted by a group of army soldiers as they were coming back from work aroung 7 p.m. (the curfew didn’t start until 11 p.m.). They were severely beaten and some of them lost teeth, others suffered skull fracture; all were taken to the Ntchengue hospital. The company’s CEO took photos of their ordeal, vowing to file a lawsuit. We were unable to verify this information on our own given that the military has denied access to the hospital.

Case 6: On the morning of Saturday, September 18, Philipe Vouet was assaulted by soldiers while he was entering his office at Schulumberger near the headquarters of Total Gabon. He has requested that his identity be kept secret.

Case 7: Mr. Mouity Maganga, pastry chef at the Meridien Hotel, was forced by soldiers to cross the street on his knees for no apparent reason in the morning of Sunday, September 6 at 9 a.m. This happened at the ASECNA crossroads.

Case 8: On Thursday, September 3 Jean Bernard Mouanambatsi, retired was assaulted by the military (torn clothes) at 4:30 p.m. while he was looking for his grandson.

Case 9: Mr. Theodore Ngoungou was brutally hit in the face at the ASECNA crossroads, while trying to find out what had happened to his son who had been arrested for failure to show identification. He has provided photos and a medical certificate to document his case.


Case 10: Martial Mboumba and Nze Angara were dragged out of their home on September 10 aroudn 8 p.m. They were beaten with batons and sticks studded with nails, they were made to walk around the city and hurt in the head (photos provided) before being taken to the naval base around 1 a.m.

Case 11: Mr. Alain Obame, 34, was taken to the surgical department of Ntchegue Regional Hospital where we was treated for gunshot wounds he sustained after he was shot at by officer Robert Avoungou, who heads the gendarmerie unit of Omboue.

Case 12: On September 5, 2009 around 10 p.m., Mr Memiaghe was hit with five small-caliber bullets while he was in his home. He was first hospitalized at the Bilie Clinic ( Dr. Ikouakoua), and was later transferred to Ntchengue hospital.

Case 13: A 16-year-old boy took two bullets in the lung (Dr. Igambontcina).


Case 14: The Diawara family: Mr. Diawara, his wife, three daughters and his tenant were violently assaulted in their homes (ASECNA junction) by soldiers based at the airport. Mr. Diawara is seriously injured in his right leg, his wife and daughters have several bruises as well. The tenant has a leg injury and is also hurt on the right foot (photos provided).


Case 15: On September 21, 2009 at 5 p.m., Guy Hervé Mavoungou, 30, took two bullets in the legs after gunfire erupted in the Quartier Sud neighborhood (at Modern Laudromat). This happened during the assassination of Mr. Martial Awane (see above). Local residents claim this was perpetrated by the Judiciary Police.

Case 16: Serge Landry Duma Mouengi was in his home when he was hit by several bullets in the leg and left hand; he is currently hospitalized at Ntchengue hospital.

In addition to these reported killings and numerous instances of abuse, it is worth noting that more than 300 people have been arrested and to date a little over 40 have been appeared in court in Port Gentil. One can legitimately be concerned the fate of the rest, of whom no news has been heard to this day. Perhaps they should counted among the missing. In any case, a thorough investigation is duly warranted.

3 – Destruction of property

The fact-finding team found that many stores in the Grand Village market area were destroyed and burned. Some witnesses interviewed indicated that the military remained almost inactive during the looting; many of them simply recovered looted property, put it on military trucks, and took it to unknown destinations.

As for the Schlumberger building and the Total compound, which was indeed looted by protesters, local residents indicate that this happened long after the looting on the top floor of the building.


As for Roger Buttin hall, no protest was noted in that area. It is in the night, after the curfew had entered into effect, that local residents saw flames and smoke on the roof of the building. Some residents affirm that the fire was started by a projectile launched from the main road.

It is therefore evident that a thorough investigation is needed to ascertain the truth as to what really happened.

It must be noted that our interviewees remain under shock as they hear deceiving statements uttered by some of the highest authorities of the state, as well as some local politicians as they gathered at Mbandja Hotel in Port Gentil a few days after these events.

Far from advocating for social harmony, such statements amount to calls for hatred and ethnic divisions. This is clearly a violation of existing laws and a prosecution is therefore in order.

Libreville, September 22, 2009

Prof. Pierre Andre Kombila Koumba

Prof. Joseph John Nambo
• The Honorable Kombe Lekambo

Jean Blaise Moussavou Maganga

Translation of: Rapport de la mission d’information sur les violations des droits de l’homme à Port-Gentil
by François Gouahinga.

AFP Article on crackdown of Albert Yangari, from the daily l’UNION

September 25th, 2009

Gabon security forces quiz editor of daily

(AFP) – 3 hours ago

LIBREVILLE — Gabonese security forces Friday hauled in the editor of the daily L’Union, Albert Yangari, for questioning in connection with reports on post-electoral unrest, Yangari said after his release.

“They freed me around 1:30 pm (1230 GMT),” Yangari told AFP. “They asked me about all the articles in the paper, but in particular those of recent days about Port-Gentil.”

L’Union has been publishing a probe into violence that rocked the oil town of Port-Gentil for three days after Ali Bongo Ondimba was on September 3 declared winner of a presidential election.

The national daily has cast doubt on the official toll of three dead in the riots and has reported five dead, while stating that “the number of victims could be 22 people.”

Yangari was arrested by elite troops near the newspaper offices and an advisor in the ministry of the interior and defence confirmed Friday that he had been detained because of the reports.

The government has said that nobody was killed by the security forces, but L’Union has stated that at least three people were shot in a crackdown on the unrest in Gabon’s second city.

Reached by telephone, L’Union reporter Jonas Moulenda told AFP that he feared being arrested.

Yangari said that the security forces had taken a statement and “gave me a verbal dressing down, but everything went well. I was not molested and I was well treated. One of the bosses even apologised for bothering me.”

Gabon’s only national paper is traditionally considered pro-government, but it surprised many of its readers with the balanced coverage it provided of the election campaign to succeed Omar Bongo, who died in June after ruling Gabon for 41 years.

A group of opposition parties said in a statement Thursday that at least five people were shot dead by security forces in Port-Gentil, adding that “trustworthy sources and the evidence of the Ntchengue cemetery evoke the likely figure of 57 dead.”

Those parties, which carried out a four-day investigation in Port-Gentil, include former interior minister Andre Mba Obame and a traditional foe of the Bongo dynasty, Pierre Mamboundou, who both claim that they won the election.

According to the official results, Ali Bongo, son of the late president, took 41.73 percent of the votes, ahead of Mba Obame (25.88 percent) and Mamboundou (25.22 percent).

Meanwhile Gabon’s private television network TV+, owned by Mba Obame, has complained that the government was interfering with its signal and had taken down transmitters.

Jean-Pascal Ndong Obiang of the BO Communication media group including TV+ said that the transmissions had been scrambled since broadcasting resumed on September 21.

“Not only are we being scrambled, but we have just learned that the ministry of communications intends to dismantle our equipment in the interior of the country,” Ndong said Friday.

He charged that in Port-Gentil, the transmitter and satellite decoder were dismantled by men with a “note signed by the secretary general in the ministry of communication, Christophe Othamot.”

Othamot told AFP this charge was nonsense and accused TV+ of “disinformation.”

“The ministry denies any involvement in dismantling TV equipment,” he said, urging TV+ to take up its complaints with Gabon Telecom, which is privately owned.

Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved.

http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iaRp9RJBA0XYNMBGPgR0twJB6Wuw

SIT-IN AT TOTAL HQ IN PARIS TODAY

September 23rd, 2009

The Collective of Resistance of Gabonese Abroad, a movement of Resistance to the electoral coup in Gabon,

invites all of friends of Gabon and Democracy to a

Rally across Total and Areva

Wednesday September 23, 2009 from 11 AM to 3 PM

Place de la Coupole, Courbevoie (92400)

This collective and public action’s objective is to inform and sensitize the public to current political events in Gabon following the electoral coup: repression, pressures and violence against political leaders and the press as well as violation of public liberties and human rights.

The Gabonese people and the peoples of Francophone Africa no longer accept to be led by economic interests. They want to be able to freely choose their leaders and desire a real “win-win” partnership with western interests in their countries.

VIDEO — Conference on the dismantling of France Afrique

September 20th, 2009

http://pochpower.org/files/slideshow/u1/elf_affg.jpg

This afternoon, I spoke at a conference organized by the International Union of African Journalists.  Panelists discussed the mob-like attitudes of certain French business networks vis-à-vis African politics for the past 50 years. Nothing new under the sun, you say. However, this time Gabonese resistance and the diasporas of francophone Africa have understood that the problem is economic. It is only by sensitizing international public opinion on the wrongdoings of the savage imperialism of multinational corporations that we will begin to walk along the path to liberty.

Africa has entered the 21st century. This week a young Gabonese wrote me from Marseilles. He wanted to know if I could answer questions online for the members of his online social network. I think that these new media tools and the fact that young people in Africa and in Gabon are adopting them are an additional reason why we should no longer be considered primates. We are part of History and we are firmly inscribed in the 21st century. I invite you to listen to and watch the recording of this conference. [We are looking for a generous volunteer and supporter to subtitle at least my intervention in English on dotSUB.] It was broadcast live on the My Gab-TV network. After the conference, I answered live questions by online viewers. Warning: There are subtle sound problems during the first minute.(Casualties of live broadcasting.)Focus on the stage also happens after that problematic first minute.

Conférence sur le démantèlement de la françafrique
du 19/09/2009 Bourse du Travail // Paris

[FR: http://moubamba.com/video-conference-sur-le-demantelement-de-la-francafrique/]

GABON – REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF EXPERTS ON THE RESULTS OF AUGUST 30, 2009 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

September 19th, 2009

Candidates of  the August 30, 2009 Gabonese presidential election, political parties and civil society organizations recently charged a Committee of Experts— whose names appear at the bottom of this report—to assess the election results as announced by the electoral commission (CENAP), and later proclaimed by the Constitutional Court.

The tasks of the Committee of Experts were to:

1. Identify acts of fraud and other irregularities;
2. Double-check the validity of the votes cast.

For 12 days the Committee of Experts, which was based at the campaign headquarters of former candidate Zacharie Myboto, collected and analyzed relevant data. They also proceeded to a meticulous examination of some of the minutes and discharge sheets at CENAP.

Considering the large extent of fraud and discrepancies observed on these documents—duly authenticated by a court’s bailiff—the Committee of Experts was unable to get an accurate count of election results. The Committee of Experts has therefore reached the following conclusions:

The Committee of Experts has noted, as shall be demonstrated below, that the candidate of the ruling Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), has masterminded a vast fraud operation throughout the country, as well as in polling centers located at consular offices abroad.

The methods used by the perpetrators of such lowly acts were multiple and diverse.

1. Ghost ballot boxes

The designation “ghost ballot boxes” refers to ballot boxes that could not be authenticated because they lacked a tracking code, or when they did have a code, that code was not compliant with codification standards issued by the Interior ministry. This includes also ballot boxes that did not have a number.

They are problematic because they could easily be substituted with pre-established, fraudulent boxes and doctored results.

Ghost ballot boxes were more numerous than authentic boxes during the disputed August 30, 2009 election. Below are a few examples :

In the Ogoue-Lolo province, at Lassio Sebe township in the Division of Mulundu,

* At Bambidie CEB polling center, polling station No. 1, the ballot box did not have a code, it was simply marked with the number “7”;
* At Ndamba Center, station No. 1, the ballot box was not codified, it was simply marked with the number “22”;
* The same irregularity is found the Moubidou Mouyabi center, station No. 1: ballot box number 6; at the Cora Wood Ngamendje center, station No. 1, ballot box number 15; at the Mekouka center, station No. 1, ballot box number 1; and at the Mambelo Liyodia center, station No. 1, ballot box 8.

In the province of Moyen-Ogooué, the same irregularity was found in the Ogooué and Lakes Division, township of Mbini, at Bengui polling centers 1 and 2, and polling stations 1 and 4; likewise at polling the Milone (Mimongo) polling center, station 1 and at the Weliga polling centers 1 and 2.

In the Ngounié province, the same irregularity was found at the Department of Ogoulou, township of Omba:

* Ebando polling center, polling station 1, ballot box 25;
* Etavis polling center, polling station 1, ballot box 24;
* Mossigue polling center, polling station 1, ballot box 9;
* Epamboa polling center, polling station 1, ballot box 18;
* Kanda Pie polling center, polling station 1, ballot box 12.

In the province of Estuaire, 1st district, 2nd subdivision, ENSET B polling center, polling station 1; and in the 3rd district, at Belle Vue 2 Public School polling center, station 2, both ballot boxes were marked with an identical number: “No. 33330”.

This type of irregularity was widespread both across the country and abroad, as was the case in Dakar, Senegal, where the box in polling station 2 was not numbered, while the box at station 3 was marked “11050107”, and the box at polling station 1 was marked “No. 2”.

It is worth noting, to emphasize these irregularities, that there were a handful of ballot boxes that were properly coded. Such was the case in the province of Nyanga, division of Moabi, where the following boxes were identified:

* Ballot box No. 0507301CM at the Putu Néni Moudiba polling center;
* Ballot box No. 0511308 MYD at the Mourindi polling center;
* Ballot box No. 0507305CM at the Public School A polling center;
* Ballot box No. 0511301HYD at the -Nzala Rina polling center;
* Ballot box No. 0509301DD at the Mbila Nyambi polling center; and
* Ballot box No. 0507308CM at the Public School B polling center.

In the province of Woleu-Ntem, city of Bitam, Mba’a Biyem polling center, the ballot box from polling station 1 is simply marked “09050309”.

2. Underage voting
Although the minimum legal age for voting is set at 18, several minors were allowed to vote. Below are a couple of such cases:

- In Lebanon, at the Gabonese embassy polling center located in Beyrouth: voter #137, Nasser Fatima, born on 08/15/1997 (i.e., 12 years old) was allowed to cast a ballot, as
attested by the signature sheet;
- In the Ogooue-Lolo province, Haute Lombo, polling center of Lemengue, station 1: the minutes show that several minors voted using their parents’ identification.

3.Minutes signed by the same people at different polling stations

In a rather blatant way, we note that the minutes of the 3rd and 4th district in the town of Franceville were written by the same individual, as can be attested by the fact that the handwriting on both documents is clearly the same.

For example, the minutes of polling station 1 at the Djouri polling center in the 3rd district has been prepared by the same person who drafted the minutes of station 2 of the polling center of Makana in the 4th district.

It is clear that these are the only few examples that escaped the attention of the fraudsters. These cases reveal that a large number of minutes have been doctored outside the normal channels of the electoral process.

4. Annotations and fingerprints

Article 77 of the Election Code stipulates that “Each voter shall sign the signature sheet, place a finger on indelible ink, and affix a fingerprint on said sheet.”

A. Signatures on the sheets

A very large number of signature sheets were not made available to us at CENAP, although it is required to do so by law. This was the case in all of the provinces. Here are a few such examples:

* Estuaire province, Department of Komo-Kango, polling station 1, polling centers of Chantier SM, Alene Komo, Four place Public School, Woubele Public School, Andem Public School, and at Oyane train station, among others.
* Haut-Ogooué province, Division of Moanda, polling centers of Leyima, MT Moanda, Comilog kindergarten, Moukagnissi, and others.

The signature sheets examined by the Committee of Experts reveal clear signs of a vast operation of fraud as demonstrated by:

* Manifestly fanciful signatures
This was the case in almost all of the Haut-Ogooue province, as well as in sizable portions of the provinces of Ogooue-Lolo and Ogooue-Ivindo. Similar cases have been noted elsewhere but in different proportion.

* “Ok” as a signature

This was the case, for example, in the province of Haut-Ogooue, Division of Mounana, at the Ngangolo polling center, station 1.

* Individuals signing the sheet more than once on behalf of others, hence a similarity of signatures

Example: Estuaire Province, Department of Komo Mondah, polling center of Nkoka, station 1, Ayem Plaine polling center, station 2.

Haut-Ogooue province, Division of Franceville, 2nd district, polling station 1 at the polling centers of Dialogue and Mvouna, as well as at Dzamiti Public School; Division of Abumi, Abumi Edounga polling center, station 1; and in the Department of Bayi Bricolo, at polling centers of Youma 2 and Ontogho, etc.

In the province of Ogooue-Ivindo, Division of Mekambo, polling center of Mbembezame, station 1, the neighborhood chief signed on behalf of a large number of voters.

* Unsigned Sheets

In the province of Haut-Ogooue, Department of Lekoko North, Moukoundji polling center, “x” was the only signature of the sheet; this also happened in the department of Ngouoni, at the Ndjieke polling center.

* Fingerprints and fingerprints mismatch

The following cases have been observed: signature sheets without fingerprints, or sheets with signatures but without fingerprints, and sheets presenting a number of fingerprints that is not equal to the number of signatures.

* Signature sheets without fingerprints

This appears to be the norm in the Haut Ogooue province, although the phenomenon is also noted in other provinces such as in Ngounie (Department of Ogoulou, polling centers 1 and 2).

The only explanation for this phenomenon lies in the fact that voters did not vote themselves, but instead fraudsters who doctored the minutes and signature sheets who signed for them, and were afraid to leave their fingerprints (although in some cases they did).

* Sheets with fingerprints but without signatures

We may mention the following cases as an example: Haut-Ogooue province, Plateaux Department (Leconi), Djouka township, Kebiri polling center, station 1: 50 fingerprints but no signature.

* Number of fingerprints not equal to signatures

The following examples illustrate this:

Haut-Ogooue province, Division of Franceville, 1st District, Ombele polling center, station 2, the number of fingerprints is higher than the number of votes cast; at Djaka polling center, station 1, we found 226 fingerprints for 167 votes cast. In the Plateaux Department (Leconi), township of Louri, Ossouele center, station. 1, there are 2 signatures but 293 fingerprints.

This shows that fingerprints have been applied even before the fraudsters had decided on how many voters they would claim to have voted, or it could simply be the consequence of a reckless manipulation of the signature sheets.

* Sheets without signatures of fingerprints

This was the case in Haut Ogooue province, Division of Leconi, Abouya polling center, station 1. In Ngounie province, Department of Ogoulou, polling center of Boulembo, station 1.

5. Voting without privacy booths

Article 95, section 3 of the Election Code provides that, “Voting is secret. The use of a privacy booth is therefore required …”

Yet in several areas, voting took place without a privacy booth, which in effect was intended to influence voters as their selection would no longer be private. Such is the case for example, in the province of Ogooue-Lolo, High Lombo (Lombo Bouenguidi), polling center of Lemengue, station 1.

6. Missing documents at CENAP

It should be noted that the Committee of Experts was obtain certain documents from CENAP. Among these, the absence of signing sheets for the department of Ocean-Komo (3532 registered voters) and Komo-Kango (over 10800 registered voters)…in these cases, results were recorded by CENAP even though several ballot boxes were vandalized.

7. Missing signatures of the vice-chairs and assistant election judges

The absence of signatures of the vice-chairmen and assistant election judges representing the opposition was noted in several minutes.

The table annexed to this statement shows the cases that were noted.

For each listing of irregularities, the following information is provided:

Province: the province where the irregularity was observed

Department: the department where the irregularity was observed

Division: the division where the irregularity was observed

District: the district where the irregularity was observed

Polling Center: the polling center where the irregularity was observed

Polling Station: the polling station where the irregularity was observed

Signature sheets: The CENAP allowed us to view certain signature sheets. Those that we did not have access to are represented on the table with following remarks: “None”, “Missing”, “Absent”, or “Signature sheet not available”

Fingerprints: findings of missing of fingerprints or a mismatch between the number of fingerprints and accompanying signatures or votes cast

Signatures: signatures and annotations are classified as follows:
“Similarities”: when several voters have the same signature
“Mostly identical”: The highest numbers of signatures are identical

Minutes: Certain evidence was obtained from records available at CENAP (“Existing at CENAP”), other information was derived from records in our possession (“Existing”).

Other: Irregularities that could not be properly classified (missing privacy booth, more envelopes found in ballot boxes than the number of registered voters or the number of registered voters or the number of votes cast, ballot boxes not numbered, missing tally sheets, minutes not available at CENAP, no signatures of assistant judges and/or vice chairs of polling stations …)

In conclusion

The review of a sample of minutes, signature sheets and tally sheets covered nearly 600 polling stations. Of these polling stations, 446 were marred with irregularities so significant that they warrant the cancellation of elections in each of these stations.

Considering that each of the polling stations we scrutinized showed an average of 175 voters, the mandatory cancellation of results from these 446 polling stations would amount to the cancellation of nearly 78,050 votes.

Given the importance of such an imbalance, the Constitutional Court must simply order the cancellation of the whole election.

Alternatively, the Constitutional Court may order a review of all minutes, signature sheets, and tally sheets. This will help establish in a comprehensive and quantified manner the full extent of fraud and its impact on the declared results.

Done in Libreville, September 17, 2009

Members of the Committee of Experts:

Moderator : Marc Koumba YEMBI (representing UGDD)

Raymond Placide N’DONG MEYO (representing RPG)

Marguerite OKOMO OBAME (representing CDJ)

Gisèle EYANG NKOULOU (representing CDJ)

Jean Gaspard NTOUTOUME (representing André MBA OBAME)

Hubert EMANE ESSIE (representing André MBA OBAME)

Florentin OBAME EBE (representing MORENA UNIONISTE)

Hugues MIHINDOU (representing MORENA UNIONISTE)

Michel DELBRAH (representing Jean EYEGHE NDONG)

Radegonde DJENNO (representing Jean EYEGHE NDONG)

[FR: http://moubamba.com/rapport-de-la-commission-des-experts-sur-lappreciation-des-resultats-du-scrutin-du-30-aout-2009/]

Translation: François Gouahinga

Protest in Paris, Wednesday September 23rd

September 18th, 2009

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I am informing all Gabonese living in France and friends of Gabon and democracy that the protest initially scheduled for this Friday September 18th, 2009 is postponed by the Movement for Resistance of Gabonese Abroad to Wednesday September 23rd, not far from Defense Square (Paris). More detailed information on the gathering will be released soon.
Also, a debate on the electoral coup and the dismantling of “France Afrique” will be held this Saturday September 19th by the African Journalists Association at Trades’ Council, 3 Rue Chateau d’Eau, Republic Square (Metro 4)  at 1 PM. I am one of the guest speakers.

The younger African generation and ambiguous French policy in Africa

September 17th, 2009

Yesterday I held a press conference where I accused certain business networks and the interests of certain large French corporations of being partially responsible for Gabon’s current situation. Here is an excerpt of the press conference which I held in front of Total’s headquarters in Courbevoie (Paris).

Numerous young people from the Gabonese diaspora attended. They are the younger African generation who say no to what is known as France-Afrique, an intricate network of murky mob-like interests which lags behind the rest of History and behind the logical interests of France’s people.

JT AFRIQUE – Edition du 15 Septembre 2009
envoyé par AFRICA24L’info video en direct.

On the political front, I was surprised to discover this afternoon the remarks of Mr. Jacques Toubon on Radio Monte Carlo. We are in our right to express certain doubts on a critical angle which reveals a certain of cynicism. He not only deplores attitudes of young Africans who show hostility towards France but also contends that the Gabonese presidential election was “clear and normal”. The ex-Minister of Justice of France well understands France’s Africa policy. He is also a friend of Robert Bourgi.

Mr. Toubon will be master of ceremonies at the festivities which will take place next year around the 50th anniversary of the independence of 14 ex-French colonies. He was also invited and probably advised as an observer during the last presidential election in the Republic of Congo. That election was also — “clear and normal”. The 50th anniversary of French independences will certainly be an occasion to audit France Afrique and its backstage going-ons.


Gabon: Former Presidential Hopeful Blasts “Françafrique” at Total Headquarters

September 16th, 2009

(AFP)

PARIS – An ex-candidate to the Gabonese presidential election, Bruno Ben Moubamba, called Tuesday for Paris to “dismantle Françafrique” (pronounced fransafrik) which he said has “imposed” Ali Bongo as president, warning against the risk of renewed “Anti-French sentiment” in the country.

“Here lies the origin of the problem of Françafrique, of obscure networks of narrow business interests,” Moubamba told reporters outside the headquarters of oil group Total, which has major investments in the central African nation. “I have proof that Ali Bongo was imposed by Total; he was selected by Françafrique,” he said. Meanwhile France, Gabon’s former colonial power, has denied charges that it is supporting Ali Bongo.

“Françafrique relies on business circles to misinform the French state apparatus,” Moubamba charged. “They have managed to make decision-makers believe that only Ali Bongo could preserve French interests,” he said.

The former independent candidate said that he was on a “lobbying” tour through which he hoped to reach out to business and political leaders so as to achieve “a new, win-win partnership” between France and Gabon.

Françafrique must be dismantled, Moubamba said, because it amounts to “geopolitical racism.” He also warned that unless something is done, Gabon may end up embroiled in the kind of anti-French violence that was noted in Côte d’Ivoire in 2004. “If you push the Gabonese people into despair, you are planting the seeds for anti-French
sentiment to grow,” he stated.

“I fear the worst. The apparent calm in Gabon is like the calm that precedes a storm,” he said. “I do not think the social climate will subside,” said Moubamba, who is part of a collective of opposition figures that includes the main candidates of the August 30 presidential election.

“What happened was an electoral farce,” he said, calling for a “cancellation” of the vote, which he said was marred by
“massive fraud.”

The announcement that the son of the late President Omar Bongo had won the election was contested by the opposition, and sparked three days of rioting and looting in the western city of Port-Gentil, Gabon’s oil hub.

Protesters targeted French interests during these three days (September 3-6) in a wave of violence that left
three people dead according to authorities. Opposition sources challenged the government’s tally, contending instead that at least 15 people were killed.

[Translation of the following AFP article: http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gbKMAM0xXaB1L8mATQrLJR0w-tVw]

Translated by François Gouahinga for the Bruno Ben Moubamba Campaign

Amplifying the voice of the Coalition to Refuse the Coup outside of Gabon

September 14th, 2009

I just landed at Charles de Gaulle airport in Paris. A new mission is awaiting me in the coming days: to amplify the voice of the collective of August 30 presidential candidates opposed to the impending coup outside of Gabonese borders.

Stability and peace in our nation as well as the geopolitical equilibrium of the region depend on our capacity to convince the leaders of western democracies of the need to firmly condemn the regime that would hijack the Gabonese government.

My mission: inform and warn international public opinion

During this trip I will meet with western politicians among others. We will also need to convince Gabon’s economic partners of the need to work together for an alternative to the mafia-like methods currently in use that do not lead anywhere and which confine us to a zero-sum game. Over the past several days, I have been denouncing the mafia-ridden curse that is “Françafrique” (pronouced “fransafrik”). We cannot count on its innocence in the help and strategic support it brings to our tyrant. I will continue to denounce this imbalanced relationship, daughter of heavy years of archaic and revolting colonialism.

Tomorrow morning, the essence of our country’s active forces will mark its opposition to the offense made to the voice of the people last September 3rd. Our collective as you know called for three days of strike in all of the country. This public interest-minded directive, notwithstanding the regime’s usual misinformation, will be heeded.

Stepping out of our political impasse and of civil war

The political solutions to this internal conflict cannot avoid the familiar legal arsenal of the law of nations. Gabon has signed numerous international conventions on public liberties. The denunciation of violations of these international laws will allow us to show once more to the world the iniquity of a the action of a transition government beholden to a clan.

Therefore, we will solicit the range of condemnations available under international law vis-à-vis the new dignitaries of the regime being formed. The international community will also have to be informed of the risks and perils of the disruption of the peace between our country and some of our neighbors. Recent declarations by those who are manipulated by irresponsible hands should not be taken lightly. They cause irritation and allow for legitimate suspicion on the part of those being accused.

Gabon, the epicenter of a fragile regional political ecosystem may tomorrow become the theater of an irreparable tragedy both within and without its borders.

[FR: http://moubamba.com/porter-la-voix-du-front-du-refus-a-lexterieur-du-gabon/]

Translation: Alice Backer

Gabon — Press conference across from TOTAL HQ in Paris

September 14th, 2009

Paris, Tour Total

I invite you to attend a press conference which I will be holding tomorrow Tuesday September 15, 2009 at 10 am on the Place de la Coupole across from the headquarters of TOTAL SA in Courbevoie, Paris.

I will be making an important declaration in the name of the collective of candidates to the Gabonese Presidential Election opposed to Mr. Ali Bongo Ondimba’s electoral coup.

I will also communicate information on the evidence we have regarding the murders that have taken place in our country since September 3rd.

Bruno Ben Moubamba

Ex-candidate to the Presidential Election
Republic of Gabon
International Spokesperson
Collective of Candidates Opposed to the Electoral Coup

Conference’s Address: Place de la Coupole, 92400 Courbevoie.
Date: Tuesday, September 15, 2009
10 am

For information: bruno@moubamba.com
http://www.moubamba.com
http://twitter.com/BenMOUBAMBA